In 2020, the President of the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), Gianni Infantino, hinted to announce the African Super League (ASL)[1] . Subsequently, during the executive committee meeting of the Confederation of African Football (CAF) on July 19, 2021, a feasibility committee was appointed, signaling the imminent development of the ASL. However, the initiation of this league has engendered a complex interplay of resistance and endorsement, raising pertinent questions regarding its viability and implications. Considering the successful launch and considerable media attention garnered by the African Basketball League (ABL) in 2021, the ASL could potentially draw inspiration from this pan-African competition backed by the National Basketball Association (NBA) as a promising exemplar. Beneath the surface, a fundamental inquiry emerges: How might an African football super league contribute to the advancement of African football development across diverse regions, encompassing Dakar, Mogadishu, Cairo, and Johannesburg, by addressing the multifaceted challenges—financial, technical, and professional—that have hindered its progress?
Propelled and endorsed by FIFA’s commercialization of elite football, professional football leagues have taken root in most African nations, marking a significant shift in football governance with the emergence of independent “pro football leagues”. Irrespective of the varying capacities of these leagues to maintain essential financial resources for sustainable management of clubs and players, they collectively represent the pinnacle of national football excellence, highlighting the best each country has to offer its spectators, fans, and players. However, the circumstances surrounding these leagues differ markedly, delineating two distinct categories. The larger subset is primarily comprised of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, characterized by suboptimal playing conditions, compromised game quality, and substandard infrastructure maintenance. Dilapidated facilities and irregularly compensated players without secure contractual arrangements typify this category. In contrast, the smaller subset encompasses select nations in North Africa, South Africa, and a handful of clubs in sub-Saharan Africa, boasting capable management, robust governance structures, well-remunerated players, and high-caliber competitive standards and facilities. Notably, this group and a handful of clubs have dominated the results of the Confederation of African Football (CAF) Champions League over the past two decades, underscoring the pronounced gap between the leading leagues and clubs and their counterparts in the broader professional football landscape. Except for Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and, to some extent, Algeria and South Africa, only a meager number of clubs from other parts of the continent truly contend for victory in the African Champions League. The secondary club competition, the Confederation Cup, echoes a similar pattern with occasional exceptions. Evidently, African football as played within the continent can be discerned as comprising two distinct echelons: a dominant cluster of select clubs in a handful of countries juxtaposed against the remainder of the continent. This contrast serves as the underlying backdrop for the impending African Super League.
Unequal and difficult continental environment for professional football
Except for a few nations such as Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and South Africa, only a limited number of clubs from other regions genuinely contend for victory in the African Champions League. The secondary club competition, the Confederation Cup, reflects a similar trend, occasionally deviating from this pattern. Evidently, African football, as displayed in Africa, can be delineated into two distinct tiers: a dominant cluster of select clubs in a handful of countries juxtaposed against the remaining regions of the continent. This disparity serves as the foundational context for the imminent emergence of the African Super League. A significant disparity exists among the clubs participating in African competitions, characterized by pronounced financial and organizational gaps. Most African elite leagues and clubs encounter obstacles in achieving full professionalization of their management, clubs, and players. Limited government subsidies leave these leagues and clubs with weakened revenue streams, while their fundraising, marketing, and sponsorship mobilization capacities often remain suboptimal. Although mismanagement and corruption are frequently pinpointed as key culprits, it is crucial to acknowledge the socio-economic and cultural contexts that are not conducive to the commercialization of professional sports entertainment in most African countries.
The prevalence of youth unemployment and underemployment [1}, coupled with employment within the informal sector [2] , serves as a strong indicator of the challenges that football commercialization, driven by the consumption habits of young Africans, may confront. Given that sports consumption is predominantly steered by youths and young professionals in their twenties, thirties, and forties, the likelihood of establishing a critical mass of sports consumers within this demographic to drive football commercialization in most African nations remains minimal. Another potential avenue for successful football commercialization in Africa lies within the burgeoning middle class, characterized by increased purchasing power across the continent. However, these substantial numbers represent aggregated figures, potentially posing a less significant critical mass for national sports consumption, with exceptions observed in populous nations such as Nigeria and Egypt. Moreover, the absence of a sports-spectacle consumption culture among those with the means to afford it further constrains the viability of sports commercialization driven by the “middle class.” Sports contend not only with alternative forms of entertainment but also with the individual social obligations intrinsic to African families and societies.
In an environment of significant privatization, where government intervention to address social safety net deficiencies such as unemployment benefits and health insurance is limited or absent, African elites shoulder substantial individual social responsibilities that significantly diminish their disposable income allocated to entertainment spending. Supporting extended family members covering educational expenses, medical, and funeral expenditures collectively represent a significant portion of the middle class’s responsibilities.
The success of large-scale paid entertainment endeavors, such as professional football, hinges on a robust economic milieu populated by young professionals with disposable income. It necessitates a socio-demographic landscape characterized by the capacity and willingness to spend. In the absence of these two pivotal elements, the sustainability of professional sports is, in a broad sense, inherently restricted.
Corporate involvement in financing sport
The involvement of corporate entities in financing sports across most African nations presents a distinct limitation when discussing the commercialization of sports. The scarcity of corporations capable of funding football ventures stems from the financial realities associated with investing in sports. Globally, the return on investments in clubs and federations is typically low, prompting only individuals with substantial wealth to entertain such ventures, leveraging media exposure as a philanthropic benefactor, thereby enhancing their social standing. For these investors, the emotional satisfaction derived from altruism and patronage, manifesting as a form of community social responsibility, often supersedes financial considerations. However, the financial constraints associated with sports club investments dissuade those not motivated by the social good that sports engender or their personal gratification. The absence of dividend shares for football club shareholders further underscores the limited financial value attributed to football assets. .[3] Simon Kuper and Stefan Szymanski underscored this notion by stating, “Football is neither big business nor good business” (Kuper, 2014, p. 49). Nonetheless, it remains a pivotal economic and social activity that constitutes a significant part of society, communities, states, and individuals.
African football challenges
In addition to factors external to football itself, inherent challenges embedded within football’s organizational and managerial structure impede its commercialization. The consistent absence of scientific and technical competencies, including coaching, exercise physiology, athletic training, marketing, and management, within football clubs’ administration and management diminishes the game’s quality and limits their capacity to attract larger audiences, media, sponsors, and patrons. Consequently, creating a virtuous cycle of commercialization proves to be a formidable task for football clubs and leagues.
The journey toward the commercialization of elite football in many African countries represents a complex puzzle that requires addressing multifaceted social, economic, cultural, and educational factors. In its reliance on private investments and contributions, professional football requires corporations, broadcasters, and individuals to allocate their financial resources toward assets yielding intangible returns.
While professional football relies on a broad support system even when fully privatized, grassroots amateur clubs often operate with the support of volunteer coaches and staff, nurturing millions of young talents over time. These grassroots systems thrive on subsidies from the government, municipalities, and other territorial administrations, with local patrons, small businesses, and individuals contributing to their sustenance. The quality of amateur football systems significantly influences the elite sector, indicating an integrated football system that seamlessly connects all levels, from grassroots to professionalized elite football. Notably, a professional football landscape devoid of grassroots participation would be akin to a tree without roots.
In summary, the commercialization of professional elite football in Africa faces challenges stemming from non-conducive circumstances for privatized and commercialized sports. These circumstances are poised to define the trajectory of the African Super League (ASL) advocated by FIFA and CAF. Consequently, it is imperative to assess whether the ASL can genuinely contribute to transforming these circumstances or if it will merely establish a league that, while efficiently managed with the requisite tools and commercial agreements, fails to mirror the reality of most African leagues and clubs, particularly those within sub-Saharan Africa.
African Super League viability
The viability of an organized and well-funded African Super League (ASL), if established parallel to the African Cup of Nations (AFCON), holds the potential to project a positive image of African football on a global scale. Encouraged by FIFA’s backing, the league is likely to benefit from FIFA’s extensive marketing machinery, enhancing its capacity to attract sponsorships and media rights. Participating clubs stand to gain substantial financial benefits, surpassing what their local leagues and current Confederation of African Football (CAF) competitions can provide. These increased revenues can potentially reinforce the professionalization and overall performance of the participating clubs. Given the current dominance of select clubs in the CAF Champions League (ACL) and the Confederation Cup (ACC), the ASL may evolve into a consolidated competition that merges the best aspects of the ACL and the ACC, further bolstered by robust marketing strategies, financial support, sponsorship deals, and enhanced media appeal. With the promise of new stadiums and recent constructions in countries such as Cameroon and Côte d’Ivoire, the ASL can cultivate a refined and sophisticated image of African football.
However, this polished image is likely to be limited to only a few countries equipped with modern facilities, thus constraining the number of clubs eligible to participate in the ASL. This raises the critical question of what will become of the remaining clubs across the continent. The ASL can potentially exacerbate the disparities between a select group of clubs and the rest of the African football landscape. The apparent dominance of Al Ahly in the ACL serves as an indicator of the loss of competitive balance that characterized African club competitions in the 1980s and 1990s. This loss was partly attributed to the departure of the best players from sub-Saharan football clubs to teams outside of Africa, coupled with the inability of many top sub-Saharan African clubs to transition from amateur patron-driven entities to more professionally structured organizations. Some historical clubs, once prominent on the African stage, gradually faded from the limelight, indicating a potential disconnect between the ASL and these storied institutions. Whether the ASL can revive these clubs and restore their competitive prowess remains to be seen. In the same breath, the evolution of the European Champions League offers a cautionary tale, highlighting the implications of highly commodified football on competitive balance within the European football landscape.
In fact, the current trend in European football of powerful clubs [which led to the attempt to create the European Super League (ESL)] illustrates some of the externalities inherent the highly commodified football that took root in Europe with the creation of Leagues separated from the Football Association (FA). Although there was a rejection of the European Super League, the reality is that the UEFA Champions League (UCL) is already a form of Super League, which progressively had set apart a few powerful clubs. Increasingly tailored competitions were designed to protect the top clubs from eventual early elimination and guarantee substantial participation bonuses paid to teams at the group stage. These bonuses are not accessible to other clubs that are eliminated or not qualified at the early stage of the competition. The UCL bonuses consequently contribute to increasing the financial and sporting gap and inequality among the regular UCL participants and the rest of the European clubs. European football has two categories: first, the performant and rich clubs from a few leagues, and second, the rest of Europe. The bonuses do reward the best clubs; however, they have also endangered (if not eliminated) the competitive balance in the European clubs’ competitions and the national leagues.
Similarly, the ASL will possibly create an elite echelon of clubs across the continent, potentially isolating them within their local leagues. This segregation could foster an environment where better-managed clubs with stronger financial capabilities recruit the best local talents, thereby undermining the competitive balance within their respective leagues. The argument in favor of creating a hyper-elite league often emphasizes the need for competitiveness, pressuring other clubs to strive for similar benefits and resources. This, in theory, is expected to encourage emulation and drive improvement across the football spectrum.
For the ASL to foster sustainable sports development, it must prioritize football development initiatives at every level, emphasizing the need for competent coaches and administrators. Without a concerted investment in football development, the ASL may inadvertently widen the gap between the elite clubs and the rest of the continent’s football landscape. Although several well-funded clubs, football academies, and leagues exist, their presence alone has not catalyzed a comprehensive transformation of the African football system. To truly advance the state of African football, holistic measures encompassing financial, technical, and professional realms must be adopted. Merely relying on a spontaneous trickle-down approach may not suffice to achieve a comprehensive transformation. It is imperative for the ASL, accompanied by a robust football value chain development, to become an inclusive and integrated force in African football, fueling not just economic growth but also societal and developmental progress across the continent.
It is comprehensible that African football enthusiasts yearn for high-quality football competitions that can bolster the continent’s sense of pride. The recent success of the Basketball African League (BAL) has provided a source of celebration and inspiration, fostering a collective belief in the continent’s sporting capabilities. Undoubtedly, the African Super League (ASL) will significantly influence African football and its overall image, potentially aiding in the retention of top-tier players within the continent, consequently delaying their migration to European football clubs. However, a legitimate concern remains that the ASL may inadvertently transform into a mere testing ground for European clubs seeking to recruit promising African talents.
Nevertheless, the prevailing haste for the establishment of elite programs, professional leagues, and academies may not effectively serve the fundamental goal of developing African football. It is imperative that such elite initiatives be accompanied by robust and meticulously planned measures geared towards the holistic development of the football value chain. Merely relying on spontaneous trickle-down development is unlikely to effect a comprehensive transformation of African football. Without the parallel development of the football value chain, the ASL could potentially evolve into an exclusive league comprising a mere 20 teams, equating to fewer than 500 players, within a continent boasting a population of over one billion individuals.
In this light, it becomes paramount for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) and FIFA to commit to a long-term overhaul of African football management culture and governance, incorporating expansive coaching programs that establish millions of football pitches accessible to children across various neighborhoods. African football development necessitates adopting a novel paradigm that initially emphasizes a social and developmental philosophy, ultimately paving the way for the growth of football as a significant economic asset.
References
Ighobor, K. (2017, février 23). Africa’s jobless youth cast a shadow over economic growth. Africa Renewal. https://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/special-edition-youth-2017/africas-jobless-youth-cast-shadow-over-economic-growth
ILO. (s. d.). Youth employment in Africa (Africa). International Labor Organisation. Consulté 19 juillet 2021, à l’adresse https://www.ilo.org/africa/areas-of-work/youth-employment/lang–en/index.htm
Janiaud, A. (2020, octobre 8). Do football clubs make good investments? https://www.investorschronicle.co.uk/shares/2020/10/08/do-football-clubs-make-good-investments/
Kuper, S. (2014). Soccernomics : Why England Loses, Why Spain, Germany, and Brazil Win, and Why the US, Japan, AustraliaÑand Even IraqÑAre Destined to Become the Kings of the World’s Most Popular Sport. Nation Books.
—-
[1] Gianni Infantino suggested the African Super League in Morocco on February 2020 (Ayishatu, 2021)
[2] Youths account for 60% of all of Africa’s jobless, according to the World Bank (Ighobor, 2017). Of the 38.1% estimated total working poor in sub-Saharan Africa, young people account for 23.5% (International Labour Organization, s. d.)
[3] “It’s a high-risk investment with relatively low returns,” says Mr. Maguire. “You’ve got so many retail investors who are investing from an emotional rather than a financial perspective.” Kieran Maguire is the author of the book The Price of Football (Janiaud, 2020) According to the World Bank, youth account for 60% of Africa’s joblessness (Ighobor, 2017). Of the 38.1% estimated total working poor in sub-Saharan Africa, young people account for 23.5% (International Labour Organization, s. d.)